WAR OF 1812: ON THE RECORD

The United States officially declared war on Great Britain on June 18, 1812. The so-called "war hawks" from the western and southern states, led by House Speaker Henry Clay, demanded an armed response to British policies on trade, "impressment" of sailors into the Royal Navy, and support for aboriginal tribes in the North American interior.

U.S. President James Madison had used his annual message to Congress in November 1811 to warn that:

"the British Cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs ... but in the execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful commerce."

The president called for more military preparations and expanding the size of the U.S. Army and Navy.

Madison would eventually sign a declaration of war on June 18, 1812, one day after the Senate voted 19 to 13 in favour.

The House of Representatives originally received Madison's war message on June 1, 1812. They debated in camera for several days. In the meantime, representatives tabled petitions from citizens both supporting and opposed to war with Great Britain. The vote, on June 4, was tallied at 79 yeas and 49 nays, sending the declaration to the Senate.

The votes were generally split along regional and party lines. The northern states and Federalists were most opposed, while Republicans and the southern and western states were most in favour.

Read more of the Congressional Record from June 4, 1812

At Westminster, a new British Parliament met in late November. The Prince Regent (later to be King George IV) opened the session with a tribute to British forces fighting in Spain under the Duke of Wellington before moving on to the American declaration of war and what was known of its early developments.

"Their measures of hostility have been principally directed against the adjoining British Provinces, and every effort has been made to seduce the inhabitants of them from their allegiance to his Majesty.

"The proofs, however, which I have received of loyalty and attachment from his Majesty's subjects in North America are highly satisfactory.

"The attempts of the enemy to invade Upper Canada have not only proved abortive, but, by the judicious arrangements of the Governor-General, and by the skill and decision with which the military operations have been conducted, the forces of the enemy assembled for that purpose in one quarter, have been compelled to capitulate, and in another have been completely defeated.

"My best efforts are not wanting for the restoration of the relations of peace and amity between the two countries; but until this object can be attained, without sacrificing the maritime rights of Great Britain, I shall rely upon your cordial support in a vigorous prosecution of the war."

In fact, the British government decided to repeal the controversial trade measures that aggrieved the United States before war was declared. The slow pace of trans-Atlantic communication meant that word didn't arrive in Washington until later.

Conservative MP Edward Herbert (Viscount Clive) proposed a reply to the speech that included this passage:

"That whilst we learn from his Royal Highness, that the declaration of war by the government of the United States of America was made under circumstances which might have afforded a reasonable expectation that the amicable relations between the two nations would not long be interrupted, we participate in the regret expressed by his Royal Highness, that the conduct and pretensions of that government have hitherto prevented the conclusion of any pacific arrangement:

"That we rejoice to learn, that notwithstanding the measures of hostility which have been principally directed against the adjoining British provinces, and the efforts which have been made to seduce the inhabitants of them from their allegiance to his Majesty, his Royal Highness has received such satisfactory proofs of loyalty and attachment from his Majesty's subjects in North America, and that the attempts of the enemy to invade Upper Canada have not only proved abortive, but that by the judicious arrangements of the governor general, and by the skill and decision with which the military operations have been conducted, the forces of the enemy assembled for that purpose in one quarter have been compelled to capitulate, and in another have been defeated with considerable loss:

"To assure his Royal Highness, that we fully rely on the exertion of his best efforts for the restoration of the relations of peace and amity between the two countries, but that until this object can be attained, without sacrificing the maritime rights of Great Britain, his Royal Highness may rely upon our cordial support in the vigorous prosecution of the war."

Here's former foreign secretary and backbench Tory MP George Canning:

The best way to carry on any war is the way that will lead soonest to peace; it is by vigour, not by forbearance and hesitation; it is by exertions calculated to make an enemy feel and dread our power; that such an enemy as America, an enemy making a war of experiment, of experiment on her own force, and on your patience, would be soonest, and most effectually brought to reason. Sir, I would go to the extreme verge of concession to preserve peace; but when the preservation of peace becomes hopeless, I would not dilute my measures of hostility, I would not by a series of maukish palliatives, convert war, which is naturally an acute distemper, into a chronical one; and incorporate it with the habitual system of the country.
...

I will ask any man, whether, if two years ago, in the contemplation of a war with the United States of America, it had been prophesied to him, that after six months of hostilities, the only maritime trophies gained in the contest would be on the side of the United States, and our only consolation that we had not been conquered by land, he would not have treated such a prediction as an insult to the might, the grandeur, and the character of this country? It is true, Sir, we have not been conquered by land. I am sure, I am disposed to pay my tribute of admiration to our gallant troops in Canada, and my tribute of regret to their heroic leader, with as mach sincerity of feeling as any man; for individual heroism and self-devotion, under any circumstances, are glorious; but really, Sir, what has happened in Canada is not a matter of great triumph. I really never did suppose that we should be conquered. It never entered into my mind that we should be compelled to seek for such a consolation.
...

Before, however, I quit that part of the Address which relates to Canada, let me again guard myself against the possibility of being supposed to undervalue the heroism there displayed, or not to set its due value upon that exemplary loyally in his Majesty's Canadian subjects which is stated in the Speech from the throne to have remained proof against all temptation. Most cordially do I concur in that sentiment of approbation, and, adverting to a vote which I had the honour of proposing to the House last year, in favour of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, let me remind the House that these provinces of Canada, so assailed, and so attempted to be seduced, and so inaccessible to seduction, constitute the single specimen in the British empire, in which the Catholic is allowed to sit side by side with the Protestant in the legislature, as well as to fight side by side with him in the field!!


Lord Castlereagh, the foreign secretary, responded to Canning's view of the government's handling of Anglo-American relations (the two men were fierce rivals who held a famous duel three years earlier):

They would justly have drawn down the vengeance of many, and of no one more than of the right hon. gentleman, had they withdrawn a force from the peninsula for the purpose of originating belligerent measures against America. He maintained and would at any time be prepared to shew that they had done all they could.
...

Ministers had never assured the House, nor the country, whatever had been done by others, that the concessions required to be made to America would lead to peace; on the contrary, when the repeal of the Orders in Council was discussed, they said, in answer to those who contended that if these were surrendered peace would be the consequence, that the claims relative to blockade and impressment would disappoint their expectations. It was not till after the war broke out that the American government alleged other grounds of war than the Orders in Council, and the system of blockade.

Read more of the Hansard from 1812

Brig.-Gen. Isaac Brock, the commander of British forces in Upper Canada, was also the colony's administrator. Earlier in 1812 he asked the assembly to suspend habeas corpus, allowing the military to more easily make arrests.

On March 6, he told the Assembly and Legislative Council: "any attempt to disseminate dissatisfaction among us will be repelled with indignation, and you will not fail in your respective stations to point out and bring to justice all such persons as by their conduct may endanger the public tranquility."

He was refused, and again at the end of July, after elections held the previous month. They did agree to the creation of additional militia companies, however.
 

The Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada had passed a Militia Act in April 1812 to expand the colony's defences in case of war and make up to 42,000 pounds available.

But like their Upper Canada colleagues, they refused to allow any further suspension of habeas corpus. Sir George Prevost, the governor-in-chief of British North America, had asked for martial law as a "matter of imperious necessity to provide for the public safety." Two days earlier, he said a successful defence of Lower Canada was reliant upon the King's subjects and their "ardent love for the true interests of their Country."
 

NEW BRUNSWICK

The province's acting governor gave assent to additional defence spending in March 1812. After being prorogued, the Legislative Assembly and Council returned in March 1813 with news that the Prince Regent had shown "most lively satisfaction" with the preparations.

The new acting governor, Major-General George Stracey Smyth, said "we are called upon vigorously to exert ourselves in the defence of all that is dear and valuable to man."
 

A new assembly began sitting on Aug. 10, 1812, with temporary governor William Townshend discussing his efforts to ensure the British military leadership at Halifax would protect the island if necessary. As with other governors, he asked for additional resources for the militia:

"These hostile occurrences rendering it imperiously necessary that some prompt and vigorous measures be immediately adopted to ascertain the efficient defence and security of this Colony against all eventual attempts of an enterprising enemy, I beg leave to recommend, as the primary and most pressing object of your duty a revision and improvement of our Militia Laws and Regulations."